Contents
THE BIBLE--BETTER IN SCHOOL THAN IN COURT
It is America's custom to hand its toughest issues to the Supreme Court,
thus ensuring
the Court's recurrent unpopularity. Such an issue was the subject of oral argument before
the justices last fortnight. They were asked, by a Pennsylvania Unitarian and a Maryland
atheist, to outlaw the reading of the Bible and the saying of the Lord's Prayer in the
public schools of those two states. When the decision comes down it could have even more
seismic political effects than last year's famous New York School Prayer decision (LIFE
July 13). As one or two justices have indicated, it is a good time for the Court to
re-examine the premises on which it has been deciding cases of this kind up to now.
In the New York case the Court outlawed a prayer written by the Board of Regents.
Justice Black saying for the majority that "it is no part of the business of
government to compose official prayers." The Regents' prayer had little to recommend
it but its innocuous nonsectarianism, though millions of Americans were shocked to learn
that any prayer could be unconstitutional. The Bible and the Lord's Prayer have quite a
different place in the national conscience. Yet the constitutional issue is much the same.
The constitutional issue is the alleged conflict between religious devotions under
public auspices and the First Amendment, which says that "Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof."
The authors of that amendment would have seen no such conflict in these cases. Congress
has made no law establishing a religion, certainly not in the sense in which the
Congregational Church was the legally established church of Massachusetts, for example, as
late as 1834. The exercise of religion in all states, including Pennsylvania and Maryland,
is freer by any test today than it was when the Bill of Rights was passed. Until the 1830s
our publicly supported schools were almost exclusively run by clergymen, with a heavy dose
of religion. As the public school system matured, Horrace Mann prescribed Bible readings
for them as necessary for a rounded education. (The Catholics with their different view of
the Bible, appealed to the courts against this practice in vain.) Since then the public
schools have become more and more secular, their purpose having shifted from the salvation
of souls to the literacy of the electorate. In addition, the 14th Amendment (1868) made
the religious prohibitions of the Bill of Rights applicable to states as well as to the
government. that is why the role of religion in the public schools has become a modern
political issue and can claim to be a constitutional one as well.
Since 1930 the Court has so treated it in a series of decisions: Cochran, Barnette,
Everson, McCollum, Doremus, Zorach, Engel. Yet instead of clarifying the issue, these
decisions have muddied it, leaving school boards and citizens in mounting perplexity. Free
textbooks and bus rides for parochial school students are O.K.; religious instruction for
public school students is O.K. but not on school property, and not compulsory, or maybe not
if the lack of compulsion embarrasses the student. The father of the Unitarian students in
Pennsylvania case refused them their option to leave class during the Bible reading
because he didn't want them to be considered "oddballs." (Had the early
Unitarians been the conformist, could they have captured Harvard?) The precedents are by
now so confining that the Pennsylvania school board lawyer felt obliged to argue as though
the Bible were not a religious book, just a source of morality! He thus
"denigrated" the Bible (said Justice Goldberg) without explaining how morality,
even if it is proper state business, can have other than a religious source.
Such is the morass into which the Court has led us. One could scarcely be surprised if
it should now make a break for the opposite shore--that of complete secularization, a
literal wall of separation" between public property and piety of any kind. Justice
Douglas, in the New York prayer case, made it clear that he even regards the Marshal's
words in his own court--"God save the United States"--as unconstitutional. This
logic could lead to the outlawing of "In God We Trust" on our coins and a
similar phrase in THE STAR SPANGLED BANNER.
What could be the result of this radical break with the American past? It might have
one salutary result: to force some parents to take more care for their children's
religious education at home and church. Complacent Protestant parents could no longer feel
that the public schools (in one lawyer's words) are a -kind of Protestant institution to
which others are cordially invited." Yet their description scarcely fits the vague,
brief and vestigial echoes of their Protestant origins which some students hear in our
public schools today.
The Court is not obliged to decree complete secularization in our schools. In a ringing
address in Utah last fortnight, Dean Griswold of the Harvard Law School denounced the New
York decision as a species of legal "absolutism" which "is more likely to
lead us into darkness than to light." He and others have found at least three grounds
on which the Court could have reached a different decision-and still can. First. school
devotions may be none of the Court's business, since there is no real compulsion or the
nonreligious minority, who by making a federal case of it are seeking rather to limit the
majority's religious freedom than to protect their own. Second, some matters are best left
to states and communities anyway; education is certainly one of these; and to divorce
education from religion altogether is to stultify both. But third, the U.S. system of
religious freedom has never meant that the government must be hostile or even indifferent
to religion.
Religion in America," said Tocqueville, "takes no direct part in the
government of society, but it must be regarded as the first of their political
institutions . . . Despotism may govern without faith, but liberty cannot. Washington,
Jefferson, Adams and most of the founding fathers, whether Christian or deist, said much
the same. So has the Supreme Court. But, says Justice Douglas, "If a religious leaven
is to be worked into the affairs of our people, it is to be done by individuals and
groups, not by the government." To which the State of Pennsylvania replies: if you
outlaw the Bible from our schools, the government is working a religious leaven out of our
affairs where the people have put it and want it. The government would thus declare itself
not neutral but hostile to religion.
Said the Maryland Court of Appeals: "Neither the first nor the 14th amendment was
intended to stifle all rapport between religion and government." If absolute logic
stifles that report, millions of Americans are going to find themselves in a different
America from the one they have believed in. Unless the Court in its next decisions in this
area, can throw a blinding new philosophical light on this problem, satisfactory to
parents, educators and civil libertarians alike, it had best let the school boards work it
out themselves as they have been conscientiously trying to do.
Like the school desegregation decisions of 1954, this is basically a political decision
that must take account of custom and belief as well as justice and legal precedent. But
the 1954 decisions, unpopular though they were in many quarters, have been generally
supported by the moral sense or the nation. The complete secularization of public schools
would be not merely unpopular--the Court always has to risk that--but it would offend the
nation's natural piety and sense of its own past.
reprinted from LIFE, March 15th, 1963.